by Jonathan Grepne
Tel/Fax: United Kingdom (0)171 727 1219
e-mail: 101333.2641@compuserve.com
About the author: Jonathan Grepne is the Managing Director of the 'Sao Francisco Development Company, Lda.' (SFDC) registered in Praia, Cape Verde. SFDC owns land situated within a government demarcated tourism development zone located along the east coast of Santiago Island just to the north of Praia. The Company intends to develop and operate hotel resort developments at Baia de Sao Francisco and Porto Lobo where it owns potential development sites. The opening, by the end of 1998, of a new international airport at Praia, large enough to accommodate Airbus 310 and similar-sized aircraft from Europe and America is a primary factor in the Company's belief that Cape Verde will soon become a significant World-Class tourism destination. Santiago Island in particular, offers a rich diversity of white sandy beaches, spectacular mountain scenery, banana plantations, historical monuments and half the population of the archipelago with some of the most courteous people on earth.
According to the Direccao-Geral de Estatisticas, exports increased from $1.9 million for the first 6 months of 1994 to $4.6 million over the same period in 1995. Of the total of $4.6 million, some $3.7 million was exported to Portugal (around 80%) followed by the Seychelles, France and Spain among other European nations, and the USA.
Exports generally covered only about 5% of imports between 1985 and 1989, but this reduced to 4.2% between 1990 and 1991 with a further decrease to around 2.5% between 1992 and 1994. Over the last five years imports have risen significantly, thus expanding the trade deficit. The increase in exports to $4.6 million over the first 6 months of 1995 helped to increase the cover rate to 3.7% for that period. Imports in 1989 were around $113 million for which exports covered 6.1% of imports, however, imports grew to around $223 million in 1994 covering only 2.4%.
Cape Verde has to import around 85% of its food requirements as well as manufactured goods, fuels and other essentials. The high importation figures include food and infrastructure development materials which are mostly provided free under aid schemes. Exports consist of nominal amounts of bananas, canned tuna, frozen fish, lobster, salt and pozzolana (used for making hydraulic cement). Exports should rise markedly over the coming years as new freezing and canning plants come into operation increasing processed fish exports, also light manufacturing as plants are set up on industrial parks in Praia and Mindelo, as well as earnings from tourism which is set for dramatic growth.
"Fishpackers", the Spanish and Italian consortium which
developed and operates an anchovy canning business called
"Frescomar" in Mindelo which opened in 1995 employing 220 people
has announced it will establish another factory soon. The new
factory will can mackerel and tuna caught in Cape Verdean waters
and export principally to Europe and the United States. A
delegation from Fishpackers announced that it is very satisified
with the success of its anchovy canning plant which imports the
anchoys from other nations. The realisation of the high
availability of mackerel in local waters influenced the company's
decision to expand.
Despite somewhat higher exportation and manual labour costs than
anticipated, Fishpackers believes it is worth investing in Cape
Verde due to its very safe political climate and extremely low
level of corruption. "We had very negative experiences in other
countries which we did not find in Cape Verde" said a Director of
Fishpackers. Frescomar will present its anchovy, tuna and
mackerel canned products at the International Food Fair in Paris
this October under the brand name "Morna".
The Center for Tourism, Investment & Export Promotion (Promex),
Cape Verde's "front desk office" was established by the Government in 1991 to promote private foreign investment, has negotiated a
cooperation agreement with the Camara de Comercio, Industria e
Turismo - Portugal/Cabo Verde (CCIT). Under the agreement the
CCIT will endeavour to promote foreign investment opportunities
in Cape Verde through its offices located in Portugal and its
extensive contacts spread over Europe. The cooperation agreement
stems partly from the announcement made by USAID (US Agency for
International Development) that it will close its office and
terminate all funding to Cape Verde as of this September, which
has up to now been the primary benefactor of Promex.
The "interesting and encouraging progress" which Cape Verde has
made over the last 6 years concerning its peaceful transformation
to multiparty democracy and economic reform opening up the
economy to the private sector as well as good use of external aid
has led to a visit to Praia by Mr. Dane Smith, the Director of the
West Africa section at the US State Department (foreign ministry of the
U.S. Government).
Mr. Smith held meetings with the Minister for Foreign Affairs,
Jose Tomas Veiga, where they discussed issues related to current
difficulties in Liberia, Guinea (Conakry) and Nigeria, and also
the Prime Minister, Carlos Veiga, and the Minister for Economic
Coordination, Gualberto do Rosario. Mr.Smith explained that the
decision to close USAID's office in Praia and cease its funding
activities from this September is not in any way a reflection on
the USA's attitude towards Cape Verde which remains very
positive, but stems from "across the board" cutbacks in international
development >assistance forced by the US Congress last year.
A new US Ambassador, Mr. Lawrence Neal Benedict, will soon
assume his post in Praia replacing Mr. Joseph Monroe Segars
appointed in March 1993.
Two finance agreements between France and Cape Verde were signed
in Praia on January 11 totalling $1.5 million. Under the first
agreement France will donate funding of $580,000 destined to
improve Cape Verde's national statistical survey department and
customs control with training and computerisation and runs in
conjunction with a World Bank assisted project. The second,
grants funds of $920,000 for a three-year project to improve
agricultural productivity. Farming in Cape Verde employs 50% of
the population, yet represents only 15% of GDP. On average,
Cape Verde manages to fulfill only around 15% of its own food
requirements.
The presentation of the book and its author was made by Nuno
Almada, the Cultural Adviser at the Portuguese Embassy in Cape
Verde, and the poet, Corsino Fortes, ex-member of the PAICV
government and the first ever Ambassador of Cape Verde to
Portugal. Nuno Almada stated that this is an impartial,
journalistic report and that "perhaps we will never know for
sure" who was responsible for Amilcar Cabral's death, as in his
view, also that of the author and of many others "there was more
than one beneficiary" to the assassination of "this great leader
and example of humanity". The work is the fruit of three years
of investigation which took the author to Guinea-Bissau, Guinea
(Conakry), Senegal and Cape Verde. Research was made into local
archives of the PIDE-GDS (the notorious Portuguese political
police) and Portuguese Diplomatic Records at the Ministry of
Foreign Affairs in Lisbon. Equally, the author held many
interviews with well known personalities who were involved in the
conflict taking place in Guinea-Bissau.
Corsino Fortes and many others of those who were present at the
book's launch in the "Centro Cultural Portugues" expressed the view
that correct steps were taken by the author to insure impartiality
and make a sensible report despite the disappearance of key
pieces of evidence from archives of the PIDE in Cape Verde,
Guinea and Lisbon. Reports are also missing from the
International Commission of Inquiry and from another inquiry
conducted by the PAIGC after Cabral's assassination.
The book presents four possible scenarios regarding the identity of the
person who gave the order to assassinate Amilcar Cabral. The first theory
suggests
a conspiracy amongst Guinean members of the PAIGC who were
discontented with the favorable position many Cape Verdean
members of the PAIGC held in general in Portuguese Guinea.
Although Amilcar Cabral was of Cape Verdean parentage he was born in
Guinea and sent to school in Cape Verde. The second theory
suggests that Sekou Toure, the President of Guinea (Conakry) who afforded
the PAIGC safe-haven from which to fight the Portuguese,
may have ordered the assassination, as he was more interested in
seeing the unification of the two Guinea regions which was clearly not
the wish of Amilcar Cabral. A third theory suggests that the
"long arm of PIDE" was responsible and that a collaborator
was able to infiltrate Amicar Cabral's inner circle of colleagues
before his assassination in Conakry on January 20, 1973. The
final theory suggests that the Portuguese commander-in-chief,
General Antonio Spinola, who was leading the war against the
the PAICG and the other rebel forces gave the order for the
assassination of Amilcar Cabral so as to deny the PAIGC the powers of his
leadership.
The book's launch was not received enthusiastically by some former
members and comrades in arms of the PAIGC who fought side-by-side Cabral.
Carlos Reis (also one of Cape Verde's Ambassadors to Portugal and a
former Minister of Education and Culture), disagreed with the author's
viewpoint that the
Portuguese could not be blamed for Cabral's assassination for lack of
decisive documentation to prove beyond doubt the direct involvement of
any one of the thousands of Portuguese soldiers or agents of PIDE who
were in the region at the time. Carlos Reis complained that this
viewpoint appears to offer a "not guilty" verdict to agents of Portuguese
fascism and colonialism .
Osvaldo Lopes da Silva, who was the PAIGC's Commander on the
Eastern Front when Amilcar Cabral was assassinated, was
accompanied by other former combatants at the book's launch, namely
Commandante Pedro Verona Pires (Cape Verde's prime minister from 1975-91)
and Corsino Tolentino (formerly Minister of Education) amongst others,
said that he believes that the truth may never be discovered due to the lack
of any documentary proof, but that in his view responsibility for
the assassination must lie with General Spinola as it was he who
organised a propoganda campaign to destabilize the PAIGC and cause
in-fighting and rivalry between the joint Guinean and Cape Verdean
freedom
fighters.
Jose Pedro Castanheira admits that the question "Who gave the
order to kill Amilcar Cabral?" is polemic, both in Cape Verde and
Guinea-Bissau as well as in Portugal, and will probably go away until
someone produces documentary evidence pointing the finger at the man who
gave the order to kill Cabral..
FISHPACKERS EXPAND THEIR BUSINESS
PROMEX AND PORTUGAL'S BOARD OF TRADE, INDUSTRY AND TOURISM SIGN AGREEMENT
US STATE DEPARTMENT DIRECTOR VISITS CAPE VERDE
FRANCE SIGNS TWO FUNDING AGREEMENTS
BOOK RELEASED ON THE ASSASSINATION OF AMILCAR CABRAL CREATES CONTROVERY
A book titled "Quem mandou matar Amilcar Cabral?" ("Who gave the
order to kill Amilcar Cabral?"), written by Jose Pedro
Castanheira, a Portuguese journalist at "Expresso" newspaper in Lisbon,
was launched in Praia on January 22, just 2 days after the 23rd
anniversary of the assassination of Amilcar Cabral, founder of the African
Party for the Independence of Cape Verdeand Guines Bisau (PAIGC) the
liberation movement which brought Cape Verde to independence. Cabral is
often refered to as the "Founder of Cape Verdean Nationality". One thing is still patently clear, it is still not known for certain who ordered his
assassination.
High abstention rate in uncontested presidential election
The two-month election period that began in December with Cape
Verde's second multiparty democratic elections, won by the
Movimento para a Democracia (MPD) gaining its second landslide
victory, was finally completed on February 18 with the election
of Antonio Mascarenhas Monteiro as President of the Republic.
At the first presidential election in February 1991, Mascarenhas
defeated his rival the incumbent Aristides Pereira who had
remained as Cape Verde's President since independence from
Portugal was granted in 1975. Mascarenhas' candidacy was
uncontested at this last election, however, despite calls upon
the electorate to show support for his continuation as President,
turnout was disappointing with around 60% abstention.
Mascarenhas' candidacy was supported on both occasions by the
ruling MPD, which also won half of the 16 districts at the local
municipal elections on January 21, where the ex-Government party,
the PAICV, won 4 districts and independents won the remainder.